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Black Power

Black Power is a political slogan and a name for various associated ideologies aimed at achieving self-determination for people of African/Black descent.[1] It is used by African Americans in the United States.[2] The movement was prominent in the late 1960s and early 1970s, emphasizing racial pride and the creation of black political and cultural institutions to nurture and promote black collective interests[3] and advance black values.

"Black Power" expresses a range of political goals, from defense against racial oppression, to the establishment of social institutions and a self-sufficient economy. The earliest known usage of the term is found in a 1954 book by Richard Wright entitled Black Power.[4] Although he did not "coin" the phrase, New York politician Adam Clayton Powell Jr. used the term on May 29, 1966 during a baccalaureate address at Howard University: "To demand these God-given rights is to seek black power."[4]


  • Origin as a political slogan 1
  • A range of ideologies 2
  • Background 3
  • Impact 4
    • Impact on Black politics 4.1
    • Impact on other movements 4.2
    • Impact on African-American identity 4.3
    • Impact in Britain 4.4
    • Black is beautiful 4.5
    • Impact on arts and culture 4.6
      • Black Arts Movement 4.6.1
    • Controversies 4.7
  • See also 5
  • Notes 6
  • Further reading 7
  • External links 8

Origin as a political slogan

The first popular use of the term "Black Power as a social and political slogan was by Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi after the shooting of James Meredith during the March Against Fear, Stokely Carmichael said:[5][6]

"This is the twenty-seventh time I have been arrested and I ain't going to jail no more! The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin' us is to take over. What we gonna start sayin' now is Black Power!"

Stokely Carmichael saw the concept of "Black Power" as a means of solidarity between individuals within the movement. It was a replacement of the "Freedom Now!" slogan of non-violent leader Martin Luther King. With his conception and articulation of the word, he felt this movement was not just a movement for racial desegregation, but rather a movement to help combat America's crippling racism. He said, "For the last time, 'Black Power' means black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak their needs."[7]

A range of ideologies

Some Black Power adherents believed in Black autonomy, with a variety of tendencies such as black nationalism, and black separatism. Such positions caused friction with leaders of the mainstream Civil Rights Movement, and thus the two movements have often been viewed as inherently antagonistic. However, certain groups and individuals (including Robert F. Williams, Maya Angelou, James Forman, Gloria Richardson, and Fay Bellamy Powell) participated in both civil rights and black power activism.

Not all Black Power advocates were in favor of black separatism. While Stokely Carmichael and SNCC were in favor of separatism for a time in the late 1960s, organizations such as the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense were not. Though the Panthers considered themselves to be at war with the prevailing white supremacist power structure, they were not at war with all whites, but rather those (mostly white) individuals empowered by the injustices of the structure and responsible for its reproduction.

Bobby Seale, Chairman and Co-Founder of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, was outspoken about this. His stand was that the oppression of black people was more of a result of economic exploitation than anything innately racist. In his book Seize the Time, he states that "In our view it is a class struggle between the massive proletarian working class and the small, minority ruling class. Working-class people of all colors must unite against the exploitative, oppressive ruling class. So let me emphasize again—we believe our fight is a class struggle and not a race struggle."[8]

Internationalist offshoots of black power include African Internationalism, pan-Africanism, black nationalism, and black supremacy.


The term "Black Power" was used in a different sense in the 1850s by Black leader Frederick Douglass as an alternative name for the Slave Power—that is the disproportionate political power at the national level held by slave owners in the South.[9] Douglass predicted: "The days of Black Power are numbered. It's course, indeed is onward. But with the swiftness of an arrow, it rushes to the tomb. While crushing its millions, it is also crushing itself. The sword of Retribution, suspended by a single hair, hangs over it. That sword must fall. Liberty must triumph."[10]

In apartheid South Africa, Nelson Mandela's African National Congress used the call-and-response chant "Amandla! (Power!)", "Ngawethu! (The power is ours!)" from the late 1950s onward.[11]

The modern American concept emerged from the self-reliance, and black nationalism; he became a simultaneous spokesman for the militant wing of the Civil Rights Movement and the non-separatist wing of the Black Power movement.

An early manifestation of Black Power in popular culture was the performances given by Nina Simone at Carnegie Hall in March 1964, and the album In Concert which resulted from them. Simone mocked liberal nonviolence ("Go Limp"), and took a vengeful position toward white racists ("Mississippi Goddamn" and her adaptation of "Pirate Jenny"). Historian Ruth Feldstein writes that, "Contrary to the neat historical trajectories which suggest that black power came late in the decade and only after the 'successes' of earlier efforts, Simone’s album makes clear that black power perspectives were already taking shape and circulating the early 1960s." [15]

By 1966, most of SNCC's field staff, among them Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture), were becoming critical of the nonviolent approach to confronting racism and inequality—articulated and promoted by Martin Luther King, Jr., Roy Wilkins, and other moderates—and rejected desegregation as a primary objective.

SNCC's base of support was generally younger and more working-class than that of the other "Big Five"[16] civil rights organizations and became increasingly more militant and outspoken over time. From SNCC's point of view, racist people had no qualms about the use of violence against black people in the U.S. who would not "stay in their place," and "accommodationist" civil rights strategies had failed to secure sufficient concessions for black people. As a result, as the Civil Rights Movement progressed, increasingly radical, more militant voices came to the fore to aggressively challenge white hegemony. Increasing numbers of black youth, particularly, rejected their elders' moderate path of cooperation, racial integration and assimilation. They rejected the notion of appealing to the public's conscience and religious creeds and took the tack articulated by another black activist more than a century before, abolitionist Frederick Douglass, who wrote:

Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. ...Power concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never will.[17]

Most early 1960s civil rights leaders did not believe in physically violent retaliation. However, much of the African-American rank-and-file, and those leaders with strong working-class ties, tended to compliment nonviolent action with armed self-defense. For instance, prominent nonviolent activist Fred Shuttlesworth of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (and a leader of the 1963 Birmingham campaign), had worked closely with an armed defense group that was led by Colonel Stone Johnson. As Alabama historian Frye Gaillard writes,

...these were the kind of men Fred Shuttlesworth admired, a mirror of the toughness he aspired to himself…They went armed [during the Freedom Rides], for it was one of the realities of the civil rights movement that however nonviolent it may have been at its heart, there was always a current of 'any means necessary,' as the black power advocates would say later on.[18]

During the March Against Fear, there was a division between those aligned with Martin Luther King, Jr. and those aligned with Carmichael, marked by their respective slogans, "Freedom Now" and "Black Power."[19]

While King never endorsed the slogan, his rhetoric sometimes came close to it. In his 1967 book Where Do We Go From Here?, King wrote that "power is not the white man's birthright; it will not be legislated for us and delivered in neat government packages."[20]


Although the concept remained imprecise and contested and the people who used the slogan ranged from businesspeople who used it to push black black studies programs at colleges, to mobilize black voters to elect black candidates, and to encourage greater racial pride and self-esteem.

One of the most spectacular and unexpected demonstrations for Black Power occurred at the 1968 Summer Olympics. United States Gold medalist Tommie Smith, and bronze medalist John Carlos showed the raised fist-explicitly associated with the movement at that time-on the podium after the 200m in the 1968 Summer Olympics wearing Olympic Project for Human Rights badges. They were accompanied by silver medalist Peter Norman, a Caucasian from Australia, who also wore an OPHR badge (but, by agreement, did not raise his fist) to show his support for the two African-Americans.

Impact on Black politics

Though the Black Power movement did not immediately remedy the political problems faced by African Americans in the 1960s and 1970s, the movement did contribute to the development of black politics both directly and indirectly. As a contemporary of and successor to the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power movement created, what sociologist Herbert H. Haines refers to as a “positive radical flank effect” on political affairs of the 1960s. Though the nature of the relationship between the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power movement is contested, Haines’ study of the relationship between black radicals and the mainstream civil rights movement indicates that Black Power generated a “crisis in American institutions which made the legislative agenda of ‘polite, realistic, and businesslike’ mainstream organizations” more appealing to politicians. In this way, it can be argued that the more strident and oppositional messages of the Black Power movement indirectly enhanced the bargaining position of more moderate activists.[21] Black Power activists approached politics with vitality, variety, wit, and creativity that shaped the way future generations approached dealing with America’s societal problems (McCartney 188). These activists capitalized on the nation’s recent awareness of the political nature of oppression, a primary focus of the Civil Rights Movement, developing numerous political action caucuses and grass roots community associations to remedy the situation [21]

The National Black Political Convention, held March 10–12, 1972, was a significant milestone in black politics of the Black Power era. Held in Gary, Indiana, a majorly black city, the convention included a diverse group of black activists, although it completely excluded whites. The convention was criticized for its racial exclusivity by Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, a group that supported integration. The delegates created a National Black Political Agenda with stated goals including the election of a proportionate number of black representatives to Congress, community control of schools, national health insurance, etc. Though the convention did not result in any direct policy, the convention advanced goals of the Black Power movement and left participants buoyed by a spirit of possibility and themes of unity and self-determination. A concluding note to the convention, addressing its supposed idealism, read: “At every critical moment of our struggle in America we have had to press relentlessly against the limits of the ‘realistic’ to create new realities for the life of our people. This is our challenge at Gary and beyond, for a new Black politics demands new vision, new hope and new definitions of the possible. Our time has come. These things are necessary. All things are possible.”[22] Though such political activism may not have resulted in direct policy, they provided political models for later movements, advanced a pro-black political agenda, and brought sensitive issues to the forefront of American politics. In its confrontational and often oppositional nature, the Black Power movement started a debate within the black community and America as a nation over issues of racial progress, citizenship, and democracy, namely “the nature of American society and the place of the African American in it.”[23] The continued intensity of debate over these same social and political issues is a tribute to the impact of the Black Power movement in arousing the political awareness and passions of citizens.[24]

Impact on other movements

Though the aims of the Black Power movement were racially specific, much of the movement’s impact has been its influence on the development and strategies of later political and social movements. By igniting and sustaining debate on the nature of American society, the Black Power movement created what other multiracial and minority groups interpreted to be a viable template for the overall restructuring of society.[25] By opening up discussion on issues of democracy and equality, the Black Power movement paved the way for a diverse plurality of social justice movements, including black feminism, environmental movements, affirmative action, and gay and lesbian rights. Central to these movements were the issues of identity politics and structural inequality, features emerging from the Black Power movement.[26] Because the Black Power movement emphasized and explored a black identity, movement activists were forced to confront issues of gender and class as well. Many activists in the Black Power movement became active in related movements. This is seen in the case of the “second wave” of women’s right activism, a movement supported and orchestrated to a certain degree by women working from within the coalition ranks of the Black Power movement.[27] The boundaries between social movements became increasingly unclear at the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s; where the Black Power movement ends and where these other social movements begin is often unclear. “It is pertinent to note that as the movement expanded the variables of gender, class, and only compounded issues of strategy and methodology in black protest thought.”[28]

Impact on African-American identity

Protester raises his hand in black power salute, Ferguson, Missouri, 15 August 2014

Due to the negative and militant reputation of such auxiliaries as that of the Black Panther Party, many people felt that this movement of "insurrection" would soon serve to cause discord and disharmony through the entire U.S. Even Stokely Carmichael stated, "When you talk of Black Power, you talk of building a movement that will smash everything Western civilization has created."[29] Though Black Power at the most basic level refers to a political movement, the psychological and cultural messages of the Black Power movement, though less tangible, have had perhaps a longer lasting impact on American society than concrete political changes. Indeed, “fixation on the ‘political’ hinders appreciation of the movement’s cultural manifestations and unnecessarily obscures black culture’s role in promoting the psychological well being of the Afro-American people.”[30] States William L. Van Deburg, author of A New Day in Babylon, “movement leaders never were as successful in winning power for the people as they were in convincing people that they had sufficient power within themselves to escape ‘the prison of self-deprecation’” [31] Primarily, the liberation and empowerment experienced by African Americans occurred in the psychological realm. The movement uplifted the black community as a whole by cultivating feelings of racial solidarity, often in opposition to the world of white Americans, a world that had physically and psychologically oppressed Blacks for generations. Through the movement, Blacks came to understand themselves and their culture by exploring and debating the question, “who are we?” in order to establish a unified and viable identity.[32]

Throughout the Civil Rights Movement and black history, a tension has existed between those wishing to minimize and maximize racial difference. W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr. often attempted to deemphasize race in their quest for equality, while those advocating for separatism and colonization emphasized an extreme and irreconcilable difference between races. The Black Power movement largely achieved an equilibrium of “balanced and humane ethnocentrism.”[32] The impact of the Black Power movement in generating valuable discussion about ethnic identity and black consciousness manifests itself in the relatively recent proliferation of academic fields such as American studies, Black Studies, and Africana studies in both national and international institutions.[33] The respect and attention accorded to African Americans’ history and culture in both formal and informal settings today is largely a product of the movement for Black Power in the 1960s and 1970s.

Impact in Britain

Black Power got a foothold in Universal Coloured People's Association. Obi Egbuna, the spokesperson for the group, claimed they had recruited 778 members in London during the previous seven weeks.[35] In 1968 Egbuni published Black Power or Death. He was also active with CLR James and Calvin Hernton in the Antiuniversity of London,[36] set up following the Dialectics of Liberation Congress.

Afro-British who identified themselves as the British Black Power Movement (BBMP) formed in 1960's. They worked with the U.S. Black Panther Party in 1967 - 1968, and 1968 - 1972.[37] The On March 2, 1970, roughly one hundred people protested outside the U.S. embassy in Grosvenor Square, London, in support of the U.S. Black Panther founder Bobby Seale, who was on trial for murder in New Haven, Connecticut.[37] They chanted "Free Bobby!" and carried posters proclaiming "Free, Free bobby Seale" and "You can kill a revolutionary but not a revolution." [37] London police arrested sixteen of the protestors that day, three women and thirteen men with threatening and assaulting police officers, distributing a flier entitled "the Definition of Black Power.", intending to incite a breach of the peace, and willful damage to a police raincoat. The raincoat charge was dropped by the judge, but the judge found five of the accused guilty of the remaining charges.[37]

Black is beautiful

The cultivation of pride in the African-American race was often summarized in the phrase "Black is Beautiful." The phrase is rooted in its historical context, yet the relationship to it has changed in contemporary times. “I don’t think it’s ‘Black is beautiful’ anymore. It’s ‘I am beautiful and I’m black.’ It’s not the symbolic thing, the afro, power sign… That phase is over and it succeeded. My children feel better about themselves and they know that they’re black,” stated a respondent in Bob Blauner’s longitudinal oral history of U.S. race relations in 1986.[38] The outward manifestations of an appreciation and celebration of blackness abound: black dolls, natural hair, black Santas, models and celebrities that were once rare and symbolic have become commonplace.

The "Black is beautiful" cultural movement aimed to dispel the notion that black people's natural features such as skin color, facial features and hair are inherently ugly.[39] John Sweat Rock was the first to coin the phrase "Black is Beautiful", in the slavery era. The movement asked that men and women stop straightening their hair and attempting to lighten or bleach their skin.[40] The prevailing idea in American culture was that black features are less attractive or desirable than white features. The movement is largely responsible for the popularity of the Afro.

Impact on arts and culture

Three Proud People mural in Newtown, depicting the 1968 Olympics Black Power salute.

The Black Power movement produced artistic and cultural products that both embodied and generated pride in “blackness” and further defined an African-American identity that remains contemporary. Black Power is often seen as a cultural revolution as much as a political revolution, with the goal of celebrating and emphasizing the distinctive group culture of African Americans to an American society that had previously been dominated by white artistic and cultural expressions. Black power utilized all available forms of folk, literary, and dramatic expression based in a common ancestral past to promote a message of self-actualization and cultural self-definition.[41] The emphasis on a distinctive black culture during the Black Power movement publicized and legitimized a culture gap between Blacks and Whites that had previously been ignored and denigrated. More generally, in recognizing the legitimacy of another culture and challenging the idea of white cultural superiority, the Black Power movement paved the way for the celebration of multiculturalism in America today.

The cultural concept of “soul” was fundamental to the image of African-American culture embodied by the Black Power movement. Soul, a type of “in-group cultural cachet,” was closely tied to black America’s need for individual and group self-identification.[42] A central expression of the “soulfulness” of the Black Power generation was a cultivation of aloofness and detachment, the creation of an “aura or emotional invulnerability,” a persona that challenged their position of relative powerlessness in greater society. The nonverbal expressions of this attitude, including everything from posture to handshakes, were developed as a counterpoint to the rigid, “up-tight” mannerisms of white people. Though the iconic symbol of black power, the arms raised with biceps flexed and clenched fists, is temporally specific, variants of the multitude of handshakes, or “giving and getting skin,” in the 1960s and 1970s as a mark of communal solidarity continue to exist as a part of black culture.[43] Clothing style also became an expression of Black Power in the 1960s and 1970s. Though many of the popular trends of the movement remained confined to the decade, the movement redefined standards of beauty that were historically influenced by Whites and instead celebrated a natural “blackness.” As Stokely Carmichael said in 1966, “We have to stop being ashamed of being black. A broad nose, thick lip and nappy hair is us and we are going to call that beautiful whether they like it or not.”[44] “Natural” hair styles, such as the Afro, became a socially acceptable tribute to group unity and a highly visible celebration of black heritage. Though the same social messages may no longer consciously influence individual hair or clothing styles in today’s society, the Black Power movement was influential in diversifying standards of beauty and aesthetic choices. The Black Power movement raised the idea of a black aesthetic that revealed the worth and beauty of all black people.[45]

In developing a powerful identity from the most elemental aspects of African-American folk life, the Black Power movement generated attention to the concept of “soul food,” a fresh, authentic, and natural style of cooking that originated in Africa. The flavor and solid nourishment of the food was credited with sustaining African Americans through centuries of oppression in America and became an important aid in nurturing contemporary racial pride.[46] Black Power advocates used the concept of “soul food” to further distinguish between white and black culture; though the basic elements of soul food were not specific to African-American food, Blacks believed in the distinctive quality, if not superiority, of foods prepared by Blacks. No longer racially specific, traditional “soul foods” such as yams, collard greens, and deep-fried chicken continue to hold a place in contemporary culinary life.

Black Arts Movement

The Black Arts Movement or BAM, founded in Harlem by writer and activist Amiri Baraka (born Everett LeRoy Jones), can be seen as the artistic branch of the Black Power movement.[47] This movement inspired black people to establish ownership of publishing houses, magazines, journals and art institutions. Other well-known writers who were involved with this movement included Nikki Giovanni; Don L. Lee, later known as Haki Madhubuti; Sonia Sanchez; Maya Angelou; Dudley Randall; Sterling Plumpp; Larry Neal; Ted Joans; Ahmos Zu-Bolton; and Etheridge Knight. Several black-owned publishing houses and publications sprang from the BAM, including Madhubuti's Third World Press, Broadside Press, Zu-Bolton's Energy Black South Press, and the periodicals Callaloo and Yardbird Reader. Although not strictly involved with the Movement, other notable African-American writers such as novelists Ishmael Reed and Toni Morrison and poet Gwendolyn Brooks can be considered to share some of its artistic and thematic concerns.

BAM sought “to link, in a highly conscious manner, art and politics in order to assist in the liberation of black people”, and produced an increase in the quantity and visibility of African-American artistic production.[48] Though many elements of the Black Arts movement are separate from the Black Power movement, many goals, themes, and activists overlapped. Literature, drama, and music of Blacks “served as an oppositional and defensive mechanism through which creative artists could confirm their identity while articulating their own unique impressions of social reality.”[49] In addition to acting as highly visible and unifying representations of “blackness,” the artistic products of the Black Power movement also utilized themes of black empowerment and liberation.[50] For instance, black recording artists not only transmitted messages of racial unity through their music, they also became significant role models for a younger generation of African Americans.[51] Updated protest songs not only bemoaned oppression and societal wrongs, but utilized adversity as a reference point and tool to lead others to activism. Some Black Power era artists conducted brief mini-courses in the techniques of empowerment. In the tradition of cultural nationalists, these artists taught that in order to alter social conditions, Blacks first had to change the way they viewed themselves; they had to break free of white norms and strive to be more natural, a common theme of African-American art and music.[52] Musicians such as the Temptations sang lyrics such as “I have one single desire, just like you / So move over, son, ‘cause I’m comin’ through” in their song “Message From a Black Man,” they expressed the revolutionary sentiments of the Black Power movement.[53]

Ishmael Reed, who is considered neither a movement apologist nor advocate, said: "I wasn't invited to participate because I was considered an integrationist" but he went on to explain the positive aspects of the Black Arts Movement and the Black Power movement:

I think what Black Arts did was inspire a whole lot of Black people to write. Moreover, there would be no multiculturalism movement without Black Arts. Latinos, Asian Americans, and others all say they began writing as a result of the example of the 1960s. Blacks gave the example that you don't have to assimilate. You could do your own thing, get into your own background, your own history, your own tradition and your own culture. I think the challenge is for cultural sovereignty and Black Arts struck a blow for that.[54]

By breaking into a field typically reserved for white Americans, artists of the Black Power era expanded opportunities for current African Americans. “Today’s writers and performers,” writes William L. Van Deburg, “recognize that they owe a great deal to Black Power’s explosion of cultural orthodoxy.”[55]


  • Website of Dr. Christian Davenport, Director of the Radical Information Project and Professor of Peace Studies, Political Science and Sociology - University of Notre Dame
  • Website of Dr. Peniel E. Joseph, Professor of African-American Studies - Scholar of African American history and frequent commentator on civil rights, race and democracy issues
  • - Focus on Carmichael's life and rhetoric
  • Panther The official website of the New Black Panther Party
  • Hubert Harrison
  • Ben Fletcher
  • A History of Harlem CORE
  • The Black Power Mixtape – New Documentary Featuring Angela Davis, Huey P. Newton, & Stokely Carmichael - video report by Democracy Now!

External links

  • Carmichael, Stokely/ Hamilton, Charles V., and Ture, Kwame: Black Power. The Politics of Liberation in America, Vintage, New York, 1967. ISBN 9780307795274
  • Breitman, George. In Defense of Black Power. International Socialist Review, January–February 1967, from Tamiment Library microfilm archives. Transcribed & marked up by Andrew Pollack for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line. Retrieved May 2, 2005.
  • Salas, Mario Marcel. Masters Thesis: "Patterns of Persistence: Paternal Colonialist Structures and the Radical Opposition in the African American Community in San Antonio, 1937–2001", University of Texas at San Antonio.
  • Brown, Scot, Fighting for US: Maulana Karenga, the US Organization, and Black Cultural Nationalism, NYU Press, New York, 2003.
  • Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2004.

Further reading

  1. ^ Scott, James. Wilson. (1976). The black revolts: racial stratification in the U.S.A. : the politics of estate, caste, and class in the American society. Cambridge, Mass: Schenkman Pub.
  2. ^ Ogbar, J. O. G. (2005). Black power: radical politics and African American identity. Reconfiguring American political history. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. Page 2.
  3. ^ Appiah, A., & Gates, H. L. (1999). Africana: the encyclopedia of the African and African American experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books, p. 262.
  4. ^ a b Yale Book of Quotations (2006), Yale University Press, edited by Fred R. Shapiro.
  5. ^ Hasan Jeffries (2010). Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama's Black Belt. NYU Press. p. 187. 
  6. ^ "Matthew Duncan':Black Power salute by John Dominis-1968."matthewduncan07 The Chateau Theme,7 November 2013.Web.7 November 2013
  7. ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006.
  8. ^ Seale, Bobby. Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton. New York: Black Classic Press, 1996, p. 72.
  9. ^ Winston A. Van Horne, "Sustaining Black Studies," Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 37, No. 3, (Jan., 2007)
  10. ^ Van Horne "Sustaining Black Studies" (Jan., 2007)
  11. ^ Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Litte, Brown, and Co., 1994), p. 318
  12. ^ Timothy B. Tyson, “Robert F. Williams, ‘Black Power,’ and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle,” Journal of American History 85, No. 2 (Sep., 1998): 540-570
  13. ^ (Routledge, 2013), p. 55-61Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power EraPeniel Joseph, ed.,
  14. ^ James Baldwin, “A Negro Assays the Negro Mood” The New York Times Magazine, March 12, 1961
  15. ^ Ruth Feldstein, "Nina Simone: The Antidote to the 'We Shall Overcome' Myth of the Civil Rights Movement" History News Network (George Mason University)
  16. ^ In addition to SNCC, the other "Big Five" organizations of the civil rights movement were the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Urban League, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and the Congress on Racial Equality.
  17. ^ Douglass, Frederick. Letter to an abolitionist associate (1857). In Organizing for Social Change: A Mandate For Activity In The 1990s. Bobo, K.; Randall, J.; and Max, S. (eds). Cabin John, Maryland: Seven Locks Press (1991).
  18. ^ (University of Alabama Press, 2004) pg 82-83Cradle of Freedom: Alabama and the Movement That Changed AmericaFrye Gaillard,
  19. ^ Scott Saul, "On the Lower Frequencies: Rethinking the Black Power Movement", pp. 92-98, in Harper's, December 2006, p. 94
  20. ^ Cited in Scott Saul, "On the Lower Frequencies", p. 95.
  21. ^ a b Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 306.
  22. ^ "American Experience | Eyes on the Prize | Milestones |." PBS. 5 April 2009 .
  23. ^ McCartney, John T. Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.
  24. ^ McCartney, John T. Black, Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.
  25. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006, p. xiv.
  26. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006, p. 294.
  27. ^ Williams, Hettie V. We Shall Overcome to We Shall Overrun: The Collapse of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Revolt (1962-1968). Lanham, MA: University Press of America, 2009, p. 92.
  28. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006. p. 92
  29. ^ Stephen, Curtis. "Life of A Party." Crisis; Sep/Oct2006, Vol. 113 Issue 5, p. 30-37, 8p.
  30. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 304.
  31. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 306.
  32. ^ a b McCormack, Donald J. Black Power: Political Ideology? Diss. University of New York at Albany, 1970. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1984, p. 394.
  33. ^ Williams, Hettie V. We Shall Overcome to We Shall Overrun: The Collapse of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Revolt (1962-1968). Lanham, MA: University Press of America, 2009, p. 92.
  34. ^ Egbuna, Obi (1971), Destroy This Temple: the voice of Black Power in Britain, London: MacGibbon & Kee, p. 16 
  35. ^  
  36. ^ Jakobsen, Jakob (2012), Anti-University of Londin–Antihistory Tabloid, London: MayDay Rooms 
  37. ^ a b c d The Black Panthers in London, 1967 -- 1972: A Diasporic Struggle Navigates the Black Atlantic.
  38. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p. 307.
  39. ^ Some notes on the BLACK CULTURAL MOVEMENT
  40. ^ Jamaica Says Black Is Beautiful
  41. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 192.
  42. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. p.195.
  43. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 197.
  44. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 201.
  45. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 194.
  46. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago P, 1992, p. 204.
  47. ^ The Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School
  48. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006, p. 256.
  49. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 249.
  50. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 280.
  51. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 208.
  52. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 213.
  53. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 212.
  54. ^ Black Arts Movement
  55. ^ Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 308.
  56. ^  


See also


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