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The Russian revolutionary and later Soviet premier Lenin (Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) c. 1920.
Leninism codified: the intellectual György Lukács, the philosopher of Leninism, c. 1952.

In vanguard party, and the achievement of a dictatorship of the proletariat, as political prelude to the establishment of socialism. Developed by, and named for, the Russian revolutionary and later Soviet premier Vladimir Lenin, Leninism comprises political and socialist economic theories, developed from Marxism, as well as Lenin’s interpretations of Marxist theory for practical application to the socio-political conditions of the agrarian early-20th-century Russian Empire. In February 1917, for five years, Leninism was the Russian application of Marxist economics and political philosophy, effected and realised by the Bolshevik party, the vanguard party who led the fight for the political independence of the working class.

Functionally, the Leninist vanguard party provided to the working class the October Revolution of 1917, Leninism was the dominant version of Marxism in Russia, and then the official state ideology of Soviet democracy (by workers’ council) in the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR), before its unitary amalgamation into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1922.[1] In 1925–29 post-Lenin Russia, Joseph Stalin integrated Leninism to Marxist economics, and developed Marxism–Leninism, which then became the state ideology of the Soviet Union.

As a political-science term, Leninism entered common usage in 1922, after infirmity ended Lenin’s participation in governing the Russian Communist Party. Two years later, in July 1924, at the fifth congress of the Communist International, Grigory Zinoviev popularized the term to denote "vanguard-party revolution". Leninism was composed as and for revolutionary praxis, and originally was neither a rigorously proper philosophy nor discrete political theory. After the Russian Revolution, in History and Class Consciousness (1923), György Lukács ideologically developed and organised Lenin’s pragmatic revolutionary practices into the formal philosophy of vanguard-party revolution (Leninism). As a work of political science and philosophy, History and Class Consciousness illustrated Lenin’s 1915 dictum about the commitment to the cause of the revolutionary man, and said of Lukács:


  • Historical background 1
    • Imperialism 1.1
  • Leninist theory 2
    • The vanguard party 2.1
    • Dictatorship of the proletariat 2.2
    • Economics 2.3
    • National self-determination 2.4
    • Socialist culture 2.5
  • Leninism after 1924 3
  • Philosophic successors 4
  • Criticism 5
  • See also 6
  • Notes 7
  • Further reading 8
  • External links 9

Historical background

In the 19th century, revolution would first occur in the economically advanced, industrialized countries. Yet, in the early 20th century, the socio-economic backwardness of Imperial Russia (uneven and combined economic development) facilitated rapid and intensive industrialization, which produced a united, working-class proletariat in a predominantly rural, agrarian peasant society.

Moreover, because the industrialization was financed mostly with foreign capital, Imperial Russia (1721–1917) did not possess a revolutionary bourgeoisie with political and economic influence upon the workers and the peasants (as occurred in the French Revolution, 1789). So, although Russia's political economy principally was agrarian and semi-feudal, the task of democratic revolution therefore fell to the urban, industrial working class, as the only social class capable of effecting land reform and democratization, in view that the Russian propertied classes would attempt to suppress any revolution, in town and country. In April 1917, Lenin published the April Theses, the strategy of the October Revolution, which proposed that the Russian revolution was not an isolated national event, but a fundamentally international event — the first world socialist revolution. Thus, Lenin's practical application of Marxism and working-class urban revolution to the social, political, and economic conditions of the agrarian peasant society that was Tsarist Russia sparked the “revolutionary nationalism of the poor” to depose the absolute monarchy of the three-hundred-year Romanov dynasty (1613–1917).[3]


In the course of developing the Russian application of Marxism, the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) presented Lenin’s analysis of an economic development predicted by Karl Marx: that capitalism would become a global financial system, wherein advanced industrial countries export financial capital to their colonial countries, to finance the exploitation of their natural resources and the labour of the native populations. Such superexploitation of the poor (undeveloped) countries allows the wealthy (developed) countries to maintain some homeland workers politically content with a slightly higher standard of living, and so ensure peaceful labour–capital relations in the capitalist homeland. (see: labour aristocracy, globalization) Hence, a proletarian revolution of workers and peasants could not occur in the developed capitalist countries, while the imperialist global-finance system remained intact; thus an underdeveloped country would feature the first proletarian revolution; and, in the early 20th century, Imperial Russia was the politically weakest country in the capitalist global-finance system.[4] In the United States of Europe Slogan (1915), Lenin said:

Leninist theory

The vanguard party

In Chapter II: “Proletarians and Communists” of The Communist Manifesto (1848), Engels and Marx presented the idea of the vanguard party as solely qualified to politically lead the proletariat in revolution:

Hence, the purpose of the Leninist vanguard party is to establish a democratic dictatorship of the proletariat; supported by the working class, the vanguard party would lead the revolution to depose the incumbent Tsarist government, and then transfer power of government to the working class, which change of ruling class — from bourgeoisie to proletariat — makes possible the full development of socialism.[7] In the pamphlet What is to be Done? (1902), Lenin proposed that a revolutionary vanguard party, mostly recruited from the working class, should lead the political campaign, because it was the only way that the proletariat could successfully achieve a revolution; unlike the economist campaign of trade-union-struggle advocated by other socialist political parties; and later by the anarcho-syndicalists. Like Karl Marx, Lenin distinguished between the aspects of a revolution, the "economic campaign" (labour strikes for increased wages and work concessions), which featured diffused plural leadership; and the "political campaign" (socialist changes to society), which required the decisive revolutionary leadership of the Bolshevik vanguard party.

Democratic centralism

As epitomised in the slogan “Freedom in Discussion, Unity in Action”, Lenin followed the example of the democratically centralised vanguard party, wherein free political-speech was recognised legitimate until policy consensus; afterwards, every member of the Party would be expected to uphold the official policy established in consensus. In the pamphlet Freedom to Criticise and Unity of Action (1905), Lenin said:

Full, inner-party democratic debate was Bolshevik Party practice under Lenin, even after the banning of party factions in 1921. Although a guiding influence in policy, Lenin did not exercise absolute power, and continually debated and discussed to have his point of view accepted. Under Stalin, the inner-party practice of democratic free debate did not continue after the death of Lenin in 1924.


Before the Revolution, despite supporting political reform (including Bolsheviks elected to the Duma, when opportune), Lenin proposed that capitalism could ultimately only be overthrown with revolution, not with gradual reforms — from within (Fabianism) and from without (social democracy) — which would fail, because the ruling capitalist social class, who hold economic power (the means of production), determine the nature of political power in a bourgeois society.[9] As epitomised in the slogan, “For a Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry”, a revolution in underdeveloped Tsarist Russia required an allied proletariat of town and country (urban workers and peasants), because the urban workers would be too few to successfully assume power in the cities on their own. Moreover, owing to the middle-class aspirations of much of the peasantry, Leon Trotsky proposed that the proletariat should lead the revolution, as the only way for it to be truly socialist and democratic; although Lenin initially disagreed with Trotsky’s formulation, he adopted it before the Russian Revolution in October 1917.

Dictatorship of the proletariat

In the Russian socialist society, government by Northern Expedition portion of the Chinese Revolution (1925–1927), wherein it resulted in the right-wing Kuomintang’s massacre of the Chinese Communist Party; nonetheless, despite the failure, Stalin’s policy of mixed-ideology political alliances, became Comintern policy.

The Oppositionists

Until exiled from Russia in 1929, Leon Trotsky helped develop and led the Left Opposition (and the later Joint Opposition) with members of the Workers’ Opposition, the Decembrists, and (later) the Zinovievists.[16] Trotskyism ideologically predominated the political platform of the Left Opposition, which demanded the restoration of soviet democracy, the expansion of democratic centralism in the Communist Party, national industrialisation, international permanent revolution, and socialist internationalism. The Trotskyist demands countered Stalin’s political dominance of the Russian Communist Party, which was officially characterised by the ‘cult of Lenin’, the rejection of permanent revolution, and the doctrine of Socialism in One Country. The Stalinist economic policy vacillated between appeasing capitalist kulak interests in the countryside, and destroying them. Initially, the Stalinists also rejected the national industrialisation of Russia, but then pursued it in full, sometimes brutally. In both cases, the Left Opposition denounced the regressive nature of the policy towards the kulak social class of wealthy peasants, and the brutality of forced industrialisation. Trotsky described the vacillating Stalinist policy as a symptom of the undemocratic nature of a ruling bureaucracy.[31]

During the 1920s and the 1930s, Stalin fought and defeated the political influence of Leon Trotsky and of the Trotskyists in Russia, by means of slander, anti-Semitism, programmed censorship, expulsions, exile (internal and external), and imprisonment. The anti–Trotsky campaign culminated in the executions (official and unofficial) of the Moscow Trials (1936–38), which were part of the Great Purge of Old Bolsheviks (who had led the Revolution).[16][32] Once established as ruler of the USSR, General Secretary Stalin re-titled the official Socialism in One Country doctrine as “Marxism-Leninism”, to establish ideologic continuity with Leninism, whilst opponents continued calling it “Stalinism”.

Philosophic successors

In political practice, Leninism (vanguard-party revolution), despite its origin as Communist revolutionary praxis, was adopted throughout the political spectrum.

  • The [34]

In turn, Maoism became the theoretical basis of some third world revolutionary vanguard parties, such as the Communist Party of Peru – Red Fatherland and others.[35]


In several works, including an essay written from jail and published posthumously by her last companion, Paul Levi (publication of which precipitated his expulsion from the Third International) titled "The Russian Revolution",[36] the Marxist Rosa Luxemburg sharply criticized some Bolshevik policies, such as their suppression of the Constituent Assembly in January 1918, their support for the partition of the old feudal estates to the peasant communes, and their policy of supporting the purported right of all national peoples to "self-determination." According to Luxemburg, the Bolsheviks' strategic mistakes created tremendous dangers for the Revolution, such as its bureaucratisation.

Left communism is the range of communist viewpoints held by the communist left, which criticizes the political ideas of the Bolsheviks at certain periods, from a position that is asserted to be more authentically Marxist and proletarian than the views of Leninism held by the Communist International after its first and during its second congress. Proponents of left communism have included Amadeo Bordiga, Herman Gorter, Anton Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Sylvia Pankhurst and Paul Mattick.[37] "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder is a work by Vladimir Lenin attacking assorted critics of the Bolsheviks who claimed positions to their left.

Critics of Lenin, such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Noam Chomsky, have argued that Stalinism (i.e., a political system which includes forced collectivization, a police state, a totalitarian political ideology, forced labor camps and mass executions) was not a deviation from Lenin's policies, but merely a logical extension of them.[38][39]

"The "call-up of 1937" was very loquacious, and having access to the press and radio created the "legend of 1937", a legend consisting of two points: 1) If they arrested people at all under the Soviet government, it was only in 1937, and it is necessary to speak out and be indignant only about 1937; 2) In 1937 they were the only ones arrested. Here's what they write: "That terrible year when they arrested the most devout Communist executives: Secretaries of the Central Committees of the Union Republics, Secretaries of the Provincial Party Committees, Chairmen of the Provincial Executive Committees; all the commanders of the military districts, marshals and generals; provincial prosecutors; Secretaries of District Party Committees..." At the very beginning of our book, we gave a conspectus of the waves pouring into the Archipelago [labor camps] during the two decades up to 1937. How long all that dragged on! And how many millions there were! But the future call-up of 1937 didn't bat an eye and found it all normal.... And for a long time after, as they became convinced of the irrevocability of their fate, they sighed and groaned, "If only Lenin were alive, this would never have happened!" What did they mean by this? Was it not precisely this that had happened to the others before them?" Aleksander Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, Vol. 2, p. 328

See also


  1. ^ a b The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought Third Edition (1999) pp. 476–477
  2. ^ Hill, Christopher Lenin and the Russian Revolution (1971) Penguin Books:London p. 35.
  3. ^ Faces of Janus p. 133.
  4. ^ Tomasic, D. "The Impact of Russian Culture on Soviet Communism" (1953), The Western Political Quarterly, vol. 6, No. 4 December, pp. 808–809.
  5. ^ Lenin, V. I. ‘United States of Europe Slogan’, Collected Works, Vol. 18, p. 232.
  6. ^  
  7. ^ Townson, D. The New Penguin Dictionary of Modern History: 1789–1945 London:1994 pp. 462–464
  8. ^ Lenin, V.I. (1905) Freedom to Criticise and Unity of Action, from Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1965, Moscow, Volume 10, pages 442-443. Available online at: (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  9. ^ Lenin, V.I. (1917) The State and Revolution, from Lenin Collected Works, Volume 25, pp. 381-492. Available online at (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  10. ^ a b Isaac Deutscher, 1954. The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879-1921, Oxford University Press
  11. ^ Lenin, V.I. “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky”, from Lenin’s Collected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, Volume 28, 1974, pages 227-325.Available online at: (Retrieved 2 December 2011)
  12. ^ Hill, Christopher Lenin and the Russian Revolution (1971) Penguin Books:London p. 86.
  13. ^ a b Carr, Edward Hallett. The Russian Revolution From Lenin to Stalin: 1917-1929. (1979)
  14. ^ Lewin, Moshe. Lenin’s Last Struggle. (1969)
  15. ^ Carr, Edward Hallett. The Russian Revolution, from Lenin to Stalin: 1917–1929. (1979)
  16. ^ a b c d e f Deutscher, Isaac 1959. The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky 1921-1929, Oxford University Press
  17. ^ Marx Engels Lenin on Scientific Socialism. Moscow: Novosti Press Ajency Publishing House. 1974. 
  18. ^ Dictionary of Historical Terms Chris Cook, editor (1983) Peter Bedrick Books:New York p. 205.
  19. ^ Lenin, V.I. The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Education Departments, Report to the Second All-Russia Congress of Political Education Departments, 17 October 1921, from Lenin’s Collected Works, 2nd English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 33, pp. 60–79. Available at (Retrieved 2 December 2011)
  20. ^ Lenin, V.I. (1914) The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, from Lenin’s Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1972, Moscow, Volume 20, pp. 393-454. Available online at: (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  21. ^ Harding, Neil (ed.) The State in Socialist Society, second edition (1984) St. Antony's College: Oxford, p. 189.
  22. ^ Lenin, V.I. (1914) The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, Chapter 4: 4. “Practicality” in The National Question; from Lenin’s Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1972, Moscow, Volume 20, pp. 393–454. Available online at: (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  23. ^ Lewin, Moshe. Lenin’s Last Struggle (1969)
  24. ^ Lenin, V.I. (1923) The Question of Nationalities or ‘Autonomisation’ ” in “ ‘Last Testament’ Letters to the Congress’, from Lenin Collected Works, Volume 36, pp. 593-611. Available online at: (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  25. ^ Central Committee, On Proletcult Organisations, Pravda No. 270 1/12/1920
  26. ^ Chambers Dictionary of World History (2000) p. 837.
  27. ^ Lewin, Moshe. Lenin's Last Struggle. (1969)
  28. ^ a b Carr, Edward Hallett. The Russian Revolution From Lenin to Stalin: 1917-1929. (1979)
  29. ^ Lenin, V.I. 1923-24 "Last Testament" Letters to the Congress, in Lenin Collected Works, Volume 36 pp. 593–611. Available online at: (Retrieved 30 November 2011)
  30. ^ Trotsky, Leon 1927. Platform of the Joint Opposition, available at: (Retrieved 28 November 2011)
  31. ^ Trotsky, L.D. (1938) The Revolution Betrayed
  32. ^ Rogovin, Vadim Z. Stalin’s Terror of 1937-1938: Political Genocide in the USSR. (2009) translated to English by Frederick S. Choate, from the Russian-language Party of the Executed by Vadim Z. Rogovin.
  33. ^ Zheng Yongnian, The Chinese Communist Party as Organizational Emperor (2009) p 61
  34. ^ Peter Wilson, Economic growth and development in Singapore (2002) p 30
  35. ^ Kenneth M. Roberts, Deepening Democracy?: The Modern Left and Social Movements in Chile and Peru (1988) pp 288-89
  36. ^ "The Nationalities Question in the Russian Revolution (Rosa Luxemburg, 1918)".  
  37. ^ "The 'Advance Without Authority': Post-modernism, Libertarian Socialism and Intellectuals" by Chamsy Ojeili, Democracy & Nature vol.7, no.3, 2001.
  38. ^ Steven Merritt Miner (May 11, 2003). "The Other Killing Machine". The New York Times. 
  39. ^ Noam Chomsky (Spring–Summer 1986). "The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". Our Generation. 

Further reading

Key works by Lenin
  • The Development of Capitalism in Russia, 1899
  • What Is To Be Done? Burning Questions of Our Movement, 1902
  • The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism, 1913
  • The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, 1914
  • Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, 1917
  • The State and Revolution, 1917
  • The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution (The "April Theses"), 1917
  • “Left-Wing” Childishness and the Petty Bourgois Mentality, 1918
  • Left-Wing Communism: an Infantile Disorder, 1920
  • "Last Testament" Letters to the Congress, 1923–24
  • Isaac Deutscher. The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879–1921, 1954
  • Isaac Deutscher. The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky 1921–1929, 1959
  • Moshe Lewin. Lenin's Last Struggle, 1969
  • Edward Hallett Carr. The Russian Revolution From Lenin to Stalin: 1917–1929, 1979
Other authors
  • Paul Blackledge.What was Done an extended review of Lars Lih's Lenin Rediscovered from International Socialism
  • Marcel Liebman. Leninism Under Lenin. The Merlin Press. 1980. ISBN 0-85036-261-X
  • Roy Medvedev. Leninism and Western Socialism. Verso Books. 1981. ISBN 0-86091-739-8
  • Neil Harding. Leninism. Duke University Press. 1996. ISBN 0-8223-1867-9
  • Joseph Stalin. Foundations of Leninism. University Press of the Pacific. 2001. ISBN 0-89875-212-4
  • CLR James. Notes on Dialectics: Hegel, Marx, Lenin. Pluto Press. 2005. ISBN 0-7453-2491-6
  • Edmund Wilson. To the Finland Station: A Study in the Writing and Acting of History. Phoenix Press. 2004. ISBN 0-7538-1800-0
  • Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils (texts by Gorter, Pannekoek, Pankhurst and Rühle), Red and Black Publishers, St Petersburg, Florida, 2007. ISBN 978-0-9791813-6-8
  • Paul Le Blanc. Lenin and the Revolutionary Party. Humanities Press International, Inc. 1990. ISBN 0-391-03604-1.
  • A. James Gregor. The Faces of Janus. Yale University Press. 2000. ISBN 0-300-10602-5.

External links

Works by Vladimir Lenin:

  • What is to be Done?
  • Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism
  • The State and Revolution
  • The Lenin Archive at
  • First Conference of the Communist International

Other thematic links:

  • Marcel Liebman on Lenin and democracy
  • An excerpt on Leninism and State Capitalism from the work of Noam Chomsky
  • Organizational Questions of the Russian Social Democracy by Rosa Luxemburg
  • Lenin's Philosophy by Karl Korsch
  • Cyber Leninism
  • Leninist Ebooks
  • Lenin as a Philosopher by Anton Pannekoek
  • The Lenin Legend by Paul Mattick
  • Dead Labor: Marx and Lenin Reconsidered by Paul Craig Roberts
In the course of instituting government policy, Stalin promoted the doctrine of

After Lenin’s death (21 January 1924), Trotsky ideologically battled the influence of Stalin, who formed ruling blocs within the Russian Communist Party (with Left Opposition, and the later Joint Opposition.[16][30]

Trotskyism vs. Stalinism

[16] To that end followed proposals reducing the administrative powers of Party posts, in order to reduce bureaucratic influence upon the policies of the Communist Party. Lenin advised Trotsky to emphasize Stalin’s recent bureaucratic alignment in such matters (e.g. undermining the anti-bureaucratic Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection), and argued to depose Stalin as General Secretary. Despite advice to refuse “any rotten compromise”, Trotsky did not heed Lenin’s advice, and General Secretary Stalin retained power over the Communist Party and the bureaucracy of the soviet government.[29][16] to remove Stalin as the General Secretary of the Communist Party.Leon Trotsky Lenin warned that Stalin has “unlimited authority concentrated in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution”, and formed a factional bloc with [28] for the national and ethnic groups of the former Tsarist Empire, which was a key theoretic concept of Leninism.self-determination The counter-action against Stalin aligned with Lenin’s advocacy of the right of [28][27] Until shortly before his death, Lenin worked to counter the disproportionate political influence of

Lenin vs. Stalin

In post–Revolutionary Russia, Stalinism (Socialism in one country) and Trotskyism (Permanent world revolution) were the principal philosophies of Communism that claimed legitimate ideological descent from Leninism' thus, within the Communist Party, each ideological faction denied the political legitimacy of the opposing faction.[26]

Leon Trotsky (ca. 1929)

Leninism after 1924

[25] The role of the Marxist vanguard party was to politically educate the workers and peasants to dispel the societal

Socialist culture

The internationalist philosophies of Bolshevism and of Marxism are based upon class struggle transcending nationalism, ethnocentrism, and religion, which are intellectual obstacles to class consciousness, because the bourgeois ruling classes manipulated said cultural status quo to politically divide the proletarian working classes. To overcome the political barrier of nationalism, Lenin said it was necessary to acknowledge the existence of nationalism among oppressed peoples, and to guarantee their national independence, as the right of secession; and that, based upon national self-determination, it was natural for socialist states to transcend nationalism and form a federation.[23] In The Question of Nationalities, or “Autonomisation” (1923), Lenin said:

Lenin recognized and accepted the existence of nationalism among oppressed peoples, advocated their national rights to self-determination, and opposed the ethnic chauvinism of “Greater Russia” because such ethnocentrism was a cultural obstacle to establishing the proletarian dictatorship in the territories of the deposed Tsarist Russian Empire (1721–1917).[20][21] In The Right of Nations to Self-determination (1914), Lenin said:

National self-determination

Soviet democracy nationalised industry and established a foreign-trade monopoly to allow the productive co-ordination of the national economy, and so prevent Russian national industries from competing against each other. To feed the populaces of town and country, Lenin instituted War Communism (1918–21) as a necessary condition — adequate supplies of food and weapons — for fighting the Russian Civil War (1917–23).[13] Later, in March 1921, he established the New Economic Policy (NEP, 1921–29), which allowed measures of private commerce, internal free trade, and replaced grain requisitions with an agricultural tax, under the management of State banks. The purpose of the NEP was to resolve food-shortage riots among the peasantry, and allowed measures of private enterprise, wherein the profit motive encouraged the peasants to harvest the crops required to feed the people of town and country; and to economically re-establish the urban working class, who had lost many men (workers) to the counter-revolutionary Civil War.[18][19] With the NEP, the socialist nationalisation of the economy could then be developed to industrialise Russia, strengthen the working class, and raise standards of living; thus the NEP would advance socialism against capitalism. Lenin regarded the appearance of new socialist states in the developed countries as necessary to the strengthening Russia's economy, and the eventual development of socialism. In that, he was encouraged by the German Revolution of 1918–1919, the Italian insurrection and general strikes of 1920, and industrial unrest in Britain, France, and the U.S.


Soviet constitutionalism was the collective government form of the Russian dictatorship of the proletariat, the opposite of the government form of the dictatorship of capital (privately owned means of production) practised in bourgeois democracies. In the soviet political system, the (Leninist) vanguard party would be one of many political parties competing for elected power.[1][10][13] Nevertheless, the circumstances of the Red vs. White Russian Civil War, and terrorism by the opposing political parties, and in aid of the White Armies' counter-revolution, led to the Bolshevik government banning other parties; thus, the vanguard party became the sole, legal political party in Russia. Lenin did not regard such political suppression as philosophically inherent to the dictatorship of the proletariat; yet the Stalinists retrospectively claimed that such factional suppression was original to Leninism.[14][15][16]

(1917) Lenin describes: The State and Revolution In chapter five of [11]

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