World Library  
Flag as Inappropriate
Email this Article

Neocolonialism

Article Id: WHEBN0000167539
Reproduction Date:

Title: Neocolonialism  
Author: World Heritage Encyclopedia
Language: English
Subject: Survie, Postcolonialism, Criticism of debt, Neohumanism, 1964 Gabon coup d'état
Collection: Colonialism, European Colonisation in Africa, Globalization Terminology, History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism
Publisher: World Heritage Encyclopedia
Publication
Date:
 

Neocolonialism

Neocolonialism, neo-colonialism or neo-imperialism is the geopolitical practice of using capitalism, business globalization, and cultural imperialism to influence a country, in lieu of either direct military control (imperialism) or indirect political control (hegemony).[1]

In post-colonial studies, the term neo-colonialism describes the influence of countries from the developed world in the respective internal affairs of the countries of the developing world; that, despite the decolonisation that occurred in the aftermath of the Second World War (1939–45), the (former) colonial powers continue to apply existing and past international economic arrangements with their former colony countries, and so maintain colonial control. A neo-colonialism critique can include de facto colonialism (imperialist or hegemonic), and an economic critique of the disproportionate involvement of modern capitalist business in the economy of a developing country, whereby multinational corporations continue to exploit the natural resources of the former colony; that such economic control is inherently neo-colonial, and thus is akin to the imperial and hegemonic varieties of colonialism practiced by the United States and the empires of Great Britain, France, and other European countries, from the 16th to the 20th centuries.[2] The ideology and praxis of neo-colonialism are discussed in the works of Jean-Paul Sartre (Colonialism and Neo-colonialism, 1964)[3] and Noam Chomsky (The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, 1979).[4]

Contents

  • Term 1
    • Origins 1.1
    • The non-aligned world 1.2
    • Françafrique 1.3
    • Belgian Congo 1.4
  • Neo-colonial economic dominance 2
    • Dependency theory 2.1
    • The Cold War 2.2
    • Multinational corporations 2.3
    • The International Monetary Fund 2.4
    • Sino–African relations 2.5
    • South Korea's land acquisitions 2.6
  • Other approaches 3
    • Coloniality 3.1
    • Cultural theory 3.2
      • Post-colonialism theory 3.2.1
    • Critical theory 3.3
    • Conservation and neo-colonialism 3.4
  • See also 4
  • References 5
    • Further reading 5.1
  • External links 6
    • Academic course materials 6.1

Term

Origins

Kwame Nkrumah (pictured on a Soviet postage stamp) is a Ghanaian politician who coined the term "Neo-colonialism."

The

  • Sovereignty in the Postcolonial African State, Syllabus : Joseph Hill, University of Rochester, 2008.
  • Studying African development history: Study guides, Lauri Siitonen, Päivi Hasu, Wolfgang Zeller. Helsinki University, 2007.

Academic course materials

  • China, Africa, and Oil
  • Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
  • "neo-colonialism" in Encyclopedia of Marxism.
  • , by Kwame Nkrumah (former Prime Minister and President of Ghana), originally published 1965Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism
  • Comments by Prof. Jeffrey Sachs - BBC
  • Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs video (ram) - hosted by Columbia Univ.
  • by Tunde Obadina, director of Africa Business Information Services (AfBIS)The myth of Neo-colonialism
  • http://www.africahistory.net/imf.htm — IMF: Market Reform and Corporate Globalization, by Dr. Gloria Emeagwali, Prof. of History and African Studies, Conne. State Univ.

External links

  • Opoku Agyeman. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992).
  • Bill Ashcroft (ed., et al.) The post-colonial studies reader (Routledge, London, 1995).
  • Yolamu R Barongo. neo-colonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact of neo-colonialism on African political behavior (Vantage Press, NY, 1980).
  • Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une décolonisation (1972), new edition La Découverte, Paris 2003 [A classical critique of neo-colonialism. Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.]
  • Frédéric Turpin. De Gaulle, Pompidou et l'Afrique (1958-1974): décoloniser et coopérer (Les Indes savantes, Paris, 2010. [Grounded on Foccart's previously inaccessibles archives]
  • Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature," pp. 209–225.
  • David Birmingham. The decolonization of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995).
  • Charles Cantalupo(ed.). The world of Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Africa World Press, 1995).
  • Laura Chrisman and Benita Parry (ed.) Postcolonial theory and criticism (English Association, Cambridge, 2000).
  • Renato Constantino. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness: Essays on cultural decolonization (Merlin Press, London, 1978).
  • George A. W. Conway. A responsible complicity: Neo/colonial power-knowledge and the work of Foucault, Said, Spivak (University of Western Ontario Press, 1996).
  • Julia V. Emberley. Thresholds of difference: feminist critique, native women's writings, postcolonial theory (University of Toronto Press, 1993).
  • Nikolai Aleksandrovich Ermolov. Trojan horse of neo-colonialism: U.S. policy of training specialists for developing countries (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966).
  • Thomas Gladwin. Slaves of the white myth: The psychology of neo-colonialism (Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980).
  • Lewis Gordon. Her Majesty's Other Children: Sketches of Racism from a Neocolonial Age (Rowman & Littlefield, 1997).
  • Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. Globalization and the postcolonial world: The new political economy of development (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
  • J. M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge University Press, 2004).
  • M. B. Hooker. Legal pluralism; an introduction to colonial and neo-colonial laws (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975).
  • E.M. Kramer (ed.) The emerging monoculture: assimilation and the "model minority" (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 2003). See: Archana J. Bhatt's "Asian Indians and the Model Minority Narrative: A Neocolonial System," pp. 203–221.
  • Geir Lundestad (ed.) The fall of great powers: Peace, stability, and legitimacy (Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1994).
  • Jean-Paul Sartre. 'Colonialism and neo-colonialism. Translated by Steve Brewer, Azzedine Haddour, Terry McWilliams Republished in the 2001 edition by Routledge France. ISBN 0-415-19145-9.
  • Peccia, T., 2014, "The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks: A New Sphere of Influence 2.0", Jura Gentium - Rivista di Filosofia del Diritto Internazionale e della Politica Globale, Sezione "L'Afghanistan Contemporaneo", http://www.juragentium.org/topics/wlgo/en/peccia.htm
  • Stuart J. Seborer. U.S. neo-colonialism in Africa (International Publishers, NY, 1974).
  • D. Simon. Cities, capital and development: African cities in the world economy (Halstead, NY, 1992).
  • Phillip Singer(ed.) Traditional healing, new science or new colonialism": (essays in critique of medical anthropology) (Conch Magazine, Owerri, 1977).
  • Jean Suret-Canale. Essays on African history: From the slave trade to neo-colonialism (Hurst, London 1988).
  • Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. Barrel of a pen: Resistance to repression in neo-colonial Kenya (Africa Research & Publications Project, 1983).
  • Carlos Alzugaray Treto. El ocaso de un régimen neocolonial: Estados Unidos y la dictadura de Batista durante 1958,(The twilight of a neocolonial regime: The United States and Batista during 1958), in Temas: Cultura, Ideología y Sociedad, No.16-17, October 1998/March 1999, pp. 29–41 (La Habana: Ministry of Culture).
  • Richard Werbner (ed.) Postcolonial identities in Africa (Zed Books, NJ, 1996).

Further reading

  1. ^
  2. ^ United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1514 and 1541
  3. ^
  4. ^
  5. ^
  6. ^
  7. ^ Imperialism, the Highest Stage of CapitalismVladimir Ilyich Lenin. . transcribed from Lenin's Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667–766.
  8. ^ From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism. First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966);
  9. ^ Wallerstein, p. 52: 'It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed-upon definition of neo-colonialism, the key concept in the armory of the revolutionary core of the movement for African unity'; and William D. Graf's review of Neo-colonialism and African Politics: a Survey of the Impact of Neo-colonialism on African Political Behaviour (1980, Yolamu R. Barongo, in the Canadian Journal of African Studies, p. 601: 'The term, itself, originated in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the 1961 All-African People's Conference.'
  10. ^ François-Xavier Verschave. La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République. Paris (ISBN 2234049482).
  11. ^ Kaye Whiteman, "The Man Who Ran Françafrique — French Politician Jacques Foccart's Role in France's Colonization of Africa Under the Leadership of Charles de Gaulle", obituary in The National Interest, Fall 1997.
  12. ^ http://www.afrique-du-nord.com/article.php3?id_article=1877 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French)
  13. ^ http://www.arabesques-editions.com/fr/biographies/kateb-yacine1974605.html?page=0%2C1 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French)
  14. ^ "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?" speech by Che Guevara on 9 April 1961
  15. ^ Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialised Dependent Countries", New International (New York), No.5, pp.149-175
  16. ^ Anuradha M. Chenoy. "Soviet New Thinking on National Liberation Movements: Continuity and Change", Soviet Foreign Policy in Transition pp. 145–162. Roger E. Kanet, Deborah Nutter Miner, Tamara J. Resler, International Committee for Soviet and East European Studies. Cambridge University Press, (1992) ISBN 0-521-41365-6; See pp. 149–150 for the Soviet Bloc academic definitions of "Neo-colonialism".
  17. ^ Rosemary Radford Ruether. Christianity and Social Systems: Historical Constructions and Ethical Challenges. Rowman & Littlefield, (2008) ISBN 0-7425-4643-8 p. 138: "Neo-colonialism means that European powers and the United States no longer rule dependent territories, directly through their occupying troops and imperial bureaucracy. Rather, they control the area's resources indirectly, through business corporations and the financial lending institutions they dominate. . . ."
  18. ^ Yumna Siddiqi. Anxieties of Empire and the Fiction of Intrigue. Columbia University Press, (2007) ISBN 0-231-13808-3, pp. 123–124 provides the standard definition of "Neo-colonialism" specific to the US and European colonialism.
  19. ^ Thomas R. Shannon. An Introduction to the World-system Perspective. Second Edition. Westview Press, (1996) ISBN 0-8133-2452-1 pp. 94–95, wherein "Neo-colonialism" is defined as a capitalist phenomenon.
  20. ^ William H. Blanchard. Neo-colonialism American Style, 1960-2000. Greenwood Publishing Group, (1996) ISBN 0-313-30013-5 pp. 3-12, defines "Neo-colonialism" in page 7.
  21. ^ Hugh Seton-Watson. Nations and States: an Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Taylor & Francis, (1977) ISBN 0-416-76810-5. Provides the history of the word "neo-colonialism" as an anti-capitalist term (pp. 339–339) also applicable to the U.S.S.R. (p. 322).
  22. ^ Edward M. Bennett. "Colonialism and Neo-colonialism" (pp. 285–291) in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy. Alexander DeConde, Richard Dean Burns, Fredrik Logevall eds. Second Edition. Simon and Schuster, (2002) ISBN 0-684-80657-6. Clarifies that neo-colonialism is a practice of the colonial powers, that "the Soviets practiced imperialism, not colonialism".
  23. ^ "World Bank, IMF Threw Colombia Into Tailspin" The Baltimore Sun, April 4, 2002
  24. ^ "Europe Takes Africa's Fish, and Boatloads of Migrants Follow" The New York Times, January 14, 2008
  25. ^ United Nations 2007
  26. ^
  27. ^ Military backs China's Africa adventure, Asia Times
  28. ^ Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
  29. ^ http://english.cntv.cn/program/bizasia/20101015/101588.shtml
  30. ^ http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Company%20Industry/-/539550/850122/-/t43ipjz/-/index.html
  31. ^ Chinese flocking in numbers to a new frontier: Africa
  32. ^ Chinese imperialism in Africa
  33. ^ China, Africa, and Oil
  34. ^ Is China Africa's new imperialist power?
  35. ^ "Is China the new colonial power in Africa?" Taipei Times, November 1, 2006
  36. ^ China's Quest for Resources - A ravenous dragon The Economist, March 13, 2008
  37. ^
  38. ^ a b c d e http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/biz/2009/12/123_56697.html
  39. ^ Coherent State Support Key to Overseas Resources Development Korea Times.
  40. ^ Madagascar scraps Daewoo farm deal Financial Times.
  41. ^ S. Korea Leases Philippine Farmland to Grow Corn Korea Times.
  42. ^
  43. ^ In a manner consistent with Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory (Wallerstein, 1974) and Andre Gunder Frank's Dependency Theory (Frank, 1975).

References

See also

There have been other critiques that the modern World Wide Fund for Nature, has inadvertently set up a neocolonialist relationship with underdeveloped nations.[43]

Conservation and neo-colonialism

While critiques of postcolonialism/neo-colonialism are widely practiced in literary theory, also international relations theory has defined "postcolonialism" as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism are of central interest in cultural critiques of neo-colonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neo-colonialism: Marxist dependency theory and mainstream criticism of capitalist neoliberalism. Critical international relations theory frequently references neo-colonialism from Marxist positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises.

Critical theory

Post-colonialism theories in philosophy, film, political science, and post-colonial literature deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule; that is, the cultural identity of the colonised peoples, in which neo-colonialism is the background for the contemporary dilemmas of developing a national identity after colonial rule. Post-colonialism studies how writers articulate, present, and celebrate their post-colonial national identity, which often first must be reclaimed from the coloniser, whilst maintaining strong connections with the colonialist country; how knowledge of the sub-ordinated (colonised) people was generated, and applied against the colonised people in service to the cultural and economic interests of the colonial country; and how colonialist literature justified colonialism by misrepresenting the colonised people as an inferior race whose society, culture, and economy must be managed for them. Post-colonial studies comprehend Subaltern Studies of "history from below"; post-colonial manifestations of people outside the hegemony; the psychopathology of colonization (by Frantz Fanon); and the cinema of film makers such as the Cuban Third Cinema, e.g. Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, and the Filipino Kidlat Tahimik.

Post-colonialism theory

One element of this is a critique of "Colonial Mentality" which writers have traced well beyond the legacy of 19th century colonial empires. These critics argue that people, once subject to colonial or imperial rule, latch onto physical and cultural differences between the foreigners and themselves, leading some to associate power and success with the foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the foreigners' ways being regarded as the better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways. In much the same fashion, and with the same reasoning of better-ness, the colonised may over time equate the colonisers' race or ethnicity itself as being responsible for their superiority. Cultural rejections of colonialism, such as the Negritude movement, or simply the embracing of seemingly authentic local culture are then seen in a post colonial world as a necessary part of the struggle against domination. By the same reasoning, importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements from former colonial powers may be regarded as a form of neo-colonialism.

One variant of neo-colonialism theory critiques the existence of cultural colonialism, the desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural means, such as media, language, education and religion, ultimately for economic reasons.

Cultural theory

[42] "

Coloniality

Although the concept of neo-colonialism was originally developed within a Marxist theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left-wing politics, the term "neo-colonialism" is also used within other theoretical frameworks.

Other approaches

The South Korean government's strategy is quickly yielding results and despite predicting that farmland is shrinking on the country, the government announced in August 2009 that South Korea would enjoy a 10% increase in rice production in 2009, the first since 2005, and the government has begun purchasing large quantities of rice to keep prices stable.[38]

In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company cultivating 10,000 hectares of farmland in the Russian Far East and a wealthy South Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of farmland in Oriental Mindoro, central Philippines, to grow corn. The South Jeolla province became the first provincial government to benefit from a newly created central government fund to develop farmland overseas, receiving a cheap loan of $1.9 million for the Mindoro project. The feedstock is expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the first year for South Korea.[41] South Korean multinationals and provincial governments have also purchased land in Sulawesi, Indonesia, Cambodia and Bulgan, Mongolia. The South Korean government itself announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. Discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal are also currently underway.[38]

In 2008, the South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics secured 1.3 million hectares of farmland in Madagascar, half the size of Belgium, to grow maize and crops for biofuels. Roughly half of the country's arable land, as well as rainforests of rich and unique biodiversity, were to be converted into palm and corn monocultures, producing food for export from a country where a third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 are malnourished, using workers imported from South Africa instead of locals. Those living on the land were never consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests on the island that resulted in over a hundred deaths.[38] This was a source of popular resentment that contributed to the fall of Marc Ravalomanana, the former president. The new president, Andry Rajoelina, cancelled the deal on March 18, 2009.[40] Shortly after the Madagascar deal, Tanzania announced that South Korea was in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it will be the largest single piece of agricultural infrastructure South Korea has ever built overseas.[38]

South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed that "the nation does not produce a single drop of Jacques Diouf, has warned that the controversial rise in land deals could create a form of "neo-colonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.

To ensure a reliable, long-term supply of food stuffs, the South Korean government and powerful Korean multinational corporations have bought the exploitation rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in under-developed countries of the Third World.[38]

South Korea's land acquisitions

According to China's critics, China has offered Sudan support threatening to use its veto on the U.N. Security Council to protect Khartoum from sanctions and has been able to water down every resolution on Darfur in order to protect its interests in Sudan.[37]

Not all dealings have involved direct monetary exchanges. In 2007, the governments of China and Democratic Republic of the Congo entered into an agreement whereby Chinese state-owned firms would provide various services (infrastructure projects) in exchange for an equivalent amount of copper ore extracted from Congolese copper mines.[36]

Historically, China and Somalia had strong trade ties. In recent years, the People's Republic of China has built increasingly stronger ties with African nations.[27][28] China is currently Africa's largest trading partner.[29][30] As of August 2007, there were an estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals working or living for extended periods in different African countries.[31][32] China is purchasing natural resources — petroleum and minerals — to fuel the Chinese economy and to finance international business enterprises.[33][34] In 2006, two-way trade had increased to $50 billion.[35]

Exotic animals such as the giraffe, caught and sold by Somali merchants, were very popular commodities in Ming Dynasty China.

Sino–African relations

To alleviate some of the effects of neo-colonialism, the American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that the entire African debt (ca. 200 billion U.S. dollars) be dismissed, and recommended that African nations not repay the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF):[26]

The International Monetary Fund

Critics of neo-colonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries, and causes humanitarian, environmental and ecological devastation to the populations which inhabit the neocolonies whose "development" and economy is now dependent on foreign markets and large scale trade agreements. This, it is argued, results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment; a dependency which cultivates those countries as reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting their access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, privatization of national resources, while initially leading to immediate large scale influx of investment capital, is often followed by dramatic increases in the rate of unemployment, poverty, and a decline in per-capita income.[23] This is particularly true in the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mauritania where fishing has historically been central to the local economy. Beginning in 1979, the European Union began brokering fishing rights contracts off the coast of West Africa. This continues to this day. Commercial unsustainable over-fishing from foreign corporations has played a significant role in the large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.[24] This stands in direct opposition to United Nations Treaty on the Seas which recognizes the importance of fishing to local communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should be targeted at surplus stocks only.[25]

Multinational corporations

In the 1960s, under the leadership of Chairman anti-colonialism as a means for colonised peoples of the Third World to achieve their self-determination, which policy angered the U.S. and France. Moreover, Chairman Barka headed the Commission on Neo-colonialism, which dealt with the work to resolve the neo-colonial involvement of colonial powers in decolonised counties; and said that the U.S., as the leading capitalist country of the world, was, in practise, the principal neo-colonialist political actor.

During the mid-to-late 20th century, in the course of the Cold War (1945–91) ideological conflict between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., each country and its satellite states accused each other of practising neo-colonialism in their imperial and hegemonic pursuits.[16][17][18][19][20][21][22] The geopolitical conditions that defined the Russo–American Cold War led to proxy war, fought by client states in the decolonised countries; Cuba, the Warsaw Pact bloc, Egypt under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser (1956–70), et al. accused the U.S. of sponsoring anti-democratic governments whose régimes did not represent the interests of the majority of the populace, and of deposing Third-World elected governments (African, Asian, Latin American) who did not subscribe to the geopolitical interests of the U.S., as defined by the East–West Cold War.

The Cold War

Dependency theory is the theoretic basis of economic neo-colonialism, which proposes that the global economic system comprises wealthy countries at the center, and poor countries at the periphery. Economic neo-colonialism extracts the human and the natural resources of a peripheral (poor) country to flow to the economies of the wealthy countries at the center of the global economic system; hence, the poverty of the peripheral countries is the result of how they are integrated in the global economic system. Dependency theory derives from the Marxist analysis of economic inequalities within the world's system of economies, thus, the under-development of the Global South is a direct result of the development in the Global North; the theories of the semi-colony from the late 19th century.[15] The Marxist perspective of the Theory of Colonial Dependency is contrasted with the capitalist economics of the free market, which propose that such poverty is a development stage in the poor country's progress towards full, economic integration to the global economic system. Proponents of Dependency Theory, such as Venezuelan historian Federico Brito Figueroa, who has investigated the socio-economic bases of neo-colonial dependency, have influenced the thinking of the former President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez.

Dependency theory

In 1961, regarding the economic mechanism of neo-colonial control, in the speech Cuba: Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-colonial Struggle?, the Cuban revolutionary Ché Guevara said:

Neo-colonialism: U.S. President Harry Truman and Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Iranian Prime Minister in 1951. Two years later, the Persian nationalisation of the petroleum of Iran was halted with Operation Ajax, a British–American coup d' état, which deposed P.M. Mossadeq on 19 August 1953, and reinstated the deposed, absolute monarchy of the Pahlavi family.

Neo-colonial economic dominance

After a hastened decolonization process of the Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to control, through the Société Générale de Belgique, an estimate of 70% of the Congolese economy following the decolonization process. The most contested part was in the province of Katanga where the Union Minière du Haut Katanga, part of the Société, had control over the mineral- and resource-rich province. After a failed attempt to nationalize the mining industry in the 1960s, it was reopened to foreign investment.

Belgian Congo

The Algerian intellectual Kateb Yacine said:

Francophonie

). Niger (Hamani Diori), and Chad (Idriss Déby), Republic of the Congo (Denis Sassou-Nguesso), Togo (Gnassingbé Eyadéma), Ivory Coast (Félix Houphouët-Boigny), Gabon (Omar Bongo interests, than as the national leaders of sovereign states. Cited examples are geopolitical, usually for the exploitation of mineral resources. Is has been argued that the African leaders with close ties to France — especially during the Russo–American Cold War (1945–91) — acted more as agents of French business and multinational corporations and monopolies by French in situ The French African works of Verschave and Beti reported a forty-year, post-independence relationship with the former colonial peoples of France, which feature colonial garrisons [11] The politician

The representative example of European neo-colonialism is Françafrique, the "French Africa" constituted by the continued close relationships between France and its former African country colonies. In 1955, the initial usage of the "French Africa" term, by President Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Ivory Coast, denoted positive social, cultural, and economic Franco–African relations. It was later applied by neo-colonialism critics to describe an imbalanced international relation. The term Françafrique is derived from the essay La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République (French Africa: The Longest Scandal of the Republic, 1998), by François-Xavier Verschave, which critically analysed French neo-colonial policies towards the countries of Africa.[10] Moreover, Main basse sur le Cameroun, autopsie d'une décolonisation (Cruel Hand on Cameroon: Autopsy of a Decolonization, 1972), by Mongo Beti, is a critical history of contemporary Cameroon that reported the continued dependence — economic, social, and cultural — of decolonised African nations and countries upon Metropolitan France, whose dependence was actively continued by the post-independence, national political élites of the given countries.

Françafrique

Throughout the decades of the Mozambique and Angola, upon assuming government power, the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique), and the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola — Labour Party (MPLA, Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola — Partido do Trabalho), respectively, established policies to counter neo-colonial agreements with the (former) colonist country.

[9] "Neo-colonialism" became the standard term to describe a type of foreign intervention after its practical and historical application to the internal affairs (economic, social, political) of the countries belonging to the

The non-aligned world

, Kwame Nkrumah writes: Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism In [7].capitalism of political economy power, to meet the financial investment needs of the geopolitical (1917). The pamphlet frames 19th-century imperialism as the logical extension of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism As a political scientist, Nkrumah theoretically developed and extended, to the post–War 20th century, the socio-economic and political arguments presented by Lenin in the pamphlet [6][5]

This article was sourced from Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. World Heritage Encyclopedia content is assembled from numerous content providers, Open Access Publishing, and in compliance with The Fair Access to Science and Technology Research Act (FASTR), Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., Public Library of Science, The Encyclopedia of Life, Open Book Publishers (OBP), PubMed, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Center for Biotechnology Information, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health (NIH), U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, and USA.gov, which sources content from all federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial government publication portals (.gov, .mil, .edu). Funding for USA.gov and content contributors is made possible from the U.S. Congress, E-Government Act of 2002.
 
Crowd sourced content that is contributed to World Heritage Encyclopedia is peer reviewed and edited by our editorial staff to ensure quality scholarly research articles.
 
By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. World Heritage Encyclopedia™ is a registered trademark of the World Public Library Association, a non-profit organization.
 



Copyright © World Library Foundation. All rights reserved. eBooks from Hawaii eBook Library are sponsored by the World Library Foundation,
a 501c(4) Member's Support Non-Profit Organization, and is NOT affiliated with any governmental agency or department.